14 Jan 2013 A Modest Proposal on Gun Violence in Our Schools . the suggestion by one GOP congressman that children be taught Satire Essay On Gang Violence to rush and gang-tackle a gunman. Tags: gun control, gun insurance, gun violence, satire, schools
If left unaddressed, these human rights violations pose serious consequences for current and future generations and for efforts to ensure peace and security, to reduce poverty and to achieve the Millennium Development Goals and the next generation of development goals we are discussing .
These challenges are being addressed by federal and local law enforcement agencies, but there is still much to learn about preventing, identifying, and investigating Internet-based crimes against children.
For instance, a WHO study estimated that the lifetime impact of child sexual abuse accounts for approximately 6% of cases of depression, 6% of alcohol and drug abuse/dependence, 8% of suicide attempts, 10% of panic disorders and 27% of post traumatic stress disorders.
It highlights some of the challenges law enforcement and victim service professionals face in addressing Internet crimes against children and focuses attention on child victims of these crimes by examining who they are and how best to respond to their needs and the needs of their families.
Battering and sexual assault puts an enormous burden on the criminal justice system; a study in the District of Columbia found that 22 percent of 911 calls were from victims of battering (Baker et al., 1989). Yet the full extent of costs to the courts—civil and family, as well as criminal—and law enforcement generally have not been calculated. These include costs associated with getting and enforcing orders of protection; divorce, child custody, and support proceedings; and prosecutions for assault, sexual assault, stalking, trespassing, harassment, and murder, all of which involve personnel costs for prosecutors, judges, defense lawyers, court staff, and police, among others. In addition, anecdotal evidence suggests that some battered women may be forced into performing criminal acts by their batterers (Browne, 1987).
Criminologists recognize that one social consequence of crime that affects many people beyond those who have been directly victimized is fear of crime (Hindelang et al., 1978; Skogan and Maxfield, 1981). The consequences of fear of crime are real, measurable, and potentially severe (Conklin, 1975; Skogan and Maxfield, 1981). Because women fear crime more than men (Warr, 1985; Gordon and Riger, 1989; Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1991), these consequences are disproportionately borne by women.
Longitudinal investigations that are both labor intensive and expensive are an important way to investigate how witnessing violence between one's parents during childhood is related to violence in one's own intimate relationships during adulthood. Widely cited assertions of intergenerational relationships in intimate partner violence are based on cross-sectional studies, and the findings are open to multiple explanations, including biases inherent in self-report data. There
Depression, developmental problems, acute and chronic physical and mental health problems, and aggressive or delinquent behavior are characteristic of children exposed to battering. An unknown number of the 3 million children exposed to battering each year (Jaffe et al., 1990) end up in foster care. Increased costs for schools, counseling, and juvenile justice programs have not been calculated. There are also unknown long-term costs associated with young boys who are learning how to be future batterers by modeling their fathers' behavior.
Interpreting these findings should be done with caution. Not only is there debate about what constitutes exposure to violence (e.g., actually seeing the violent acts or seeing the results of the violence), but some of the studies have methodological weaknesses. For example, samples are often drawn from among children residing in shelters for battered women. These children are under a lot of stress—beyond that of witnessing violence—related to dislocation and family crisis that may influence their behaviors and feelings. The source of the information may influence the findings; mothers report more behavior problems in children than children self-report (Sternberg et al., 1993). However, these studies suggest that children exposed to parental violence are at potential risk of emotional and behavioral difficulties that may be long lasting.
Children in families in which the woman is battered are at risk of both physical (Walker, 1984; Straus and Gelles, 1990) and sexual abuse (Herman and Hirschman, 1981; Paveza, 1988). Even if children are not themselves abused, living in a family in which there is violence between their parents puts children at risk. These children have been found to exhibit high levels of aggressive and antisocial, as well as fearful and inhibited, behaviors (Jaffe et al., 1986a; Christopherpoulos et al., 1987). Other studies have shown that children who have experienced parental violence have more deficits in social competence (Jaffe et al., 1986b; Wolfe et al., 1986) and higher levels of depression, anxiety, and temperament problems than children in nonviolent homes (Jaffe et al., 1986b; Christopher-
In recent years, the notion of a battered woman syndrome has been used in a variety of legal proceedings, including criminal prosecutions of batterers, criminal prosecutions of women who have attacked their batterers, and divorce and child custody proceedings. The idea of the battered woman's syndrome developed as an attempt to explain the psychological effects of being in a battering relationship and has similarities with the PTSD conceptualization, but it is not a recognized psychiatric syndrome. Rather, it refers to the consequences of being battered as those consequences are represented in expert testimony in legal settings. The use of "battered woman syndrome" has been criticized for making those consequences of intimate partner violence for women a pathology and ignoring differences among battered women's responses to violence (e.g., Dutton, 1993, Schopp et al., 1994). Furthermore, because expert testimony about the experiences of battered women often encompasses more than just a discussion of psychological consequences, the term battered woman syndrome is misleading (Dutton, 1993).